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Rather, as witnessed at the conferences I have attended the past year, it serves as one vantage point among many for redrawing the academic geographies to which we have become accustomed, as well as reframing and historicising the emergent politics of the global present. As with most ideologies, Afro-Asianism has been subject to local understandings and redefinition over time, in the same way that the event of Bandung itself has been adapted as an idea and symbol. The views expressed in this post are those of the authors and in no way reflect those of the Africa at LSE blog or the London School of Economics and Political Science. While diplomacy typically played a role in negotiating an end to colonialism in numerous cases, international conferences provided an alternative means of recognition and network building. The past year has witnessed several anniversary conferences and academic workshops on Bandung in Indonesia, the Netherlands, and Australia, with at least one more conference ahead in Bandung itself to be held at the Museum of the Asian-African Conference in late October. Turkey, Iraq, Pakistan, and the Philippines, among other delegations, had already aligned themselves with the West in the preceding months through the Baghdad and Manila Pacts, a pair of security agreements pursued by the United States and its allies as part of the Truman Doctrine and its policy of containment. The location of these international meetings in Asia and Africa strikingly indicated a new political geography that had emerged from the shadows of Western colonial rule. Lee examines the complex evolution of political solidarity between Asian and African countries in the sixty years since the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. They consequently transpired during a time of both existential uncertainty and opportunity, signaling attempts by countries in Asia and Africa to intervene in the global politics then taking shape. These other efforts did not necessarily emerge directly out of Bandung, but the Asian-African Conference did provide a significant example of the diplomatic possibilities available after decolonisation. Still, despite these tensions and future uncertainties, Bandung served as an important step in the cultivation of Third World alliances. Indeed, amid the solidarity that was undoubtedly present at Bandung, there was also a heady mix of personal and nationalist ambitions that reinforced existing differences and tensions. It has experienced revival during another time of transition and uncertainty when Asia-Africa relations have been surging forward to displace the United States and the European Union with China and India as the major players and competitors with their African counterparts, albeit through trade agreements and capital investment that contrast with the conditions and ideologies of In fact, these agreements had served as catalysts for the Bandung meeting, as had concern with Southeast Asia generally following the departure of the French and the unsteady peace established by the Geneva Conference. International meetings presented occasions for reinforcing sovereignty and building interstate networks of trust and community, drawing from and aggregating forms of capital—social, political, and economic alike—possessed by individual countries.
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The past year has witnessed several anniversary conferences and academic workshops on Bandung in Indonesia, the Netherlands, and Australia, with at least one more conference ahead in Bandung itself to be held at the Museum of the Asian-African Conference in late October. This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference held in Bandung, Indonesia.